SOMOS has no voting record to examine: its registration took effect on July 1, 2026, it was called "Somos México" until the INE changed the name in August on the Electoral Tribunal's orders, and it has no deputies. Its answers come from its founding documents of June 2026 (the declaration of principles and the program of action), a 2025 ten-point manifesto and statements by its leadership, headed by Guadalupe Acosta Naranjo. They are provisional until it files its electoral platform, expected in January 2027, and 11 of the 45 are estimated. By law, a party cannot join a coalition in its first election.
On those documents, it looks like an opposition party that puts checks and balances first. Justice is where it strays furthest from the average (1.95 points): its manifesto calls for repealing the judicial reform, which it labels authoritarian, and its program wants to strengthen suspensions in amparo cases and give the Court back its power to review amendments. Its second-largest gap, "Security and armed forces" (1.75 points), is more its own: no party supports as strongly having a judge always decide pretrial jail, because its program would strike from Article 19 the list of crimes that trigger it automatically; it also wants a National Guard under civilian command and the military out of ports and customs.
In social policy, two of its answers set it apart. It is the only party agreeing that social programs should concentrate on those who have least: its program widens cash transfers for poor households, albeit with a floor for every family. And while six other parties also defend guaranteed prices for staple grains, only SOMOS does so at the extreme of the scale: in April 2026 it called the protests of farmers demanding them fair. With the PAN, it is also the only party that does not want less public money for parties; its electoral reform proposal says plainly that it does not seek to cut that funding, and it would abolish the eight-point overrepresentation margin.
On rights it sits among the most liberal. No other party backs adoption by same-sex couples as fully; it also proposes decriminalizing abortion nationwide up to week 12, and it would move from prohibiting drugs to regulating them. That brings it close to Movimiento Ciudadano: of the 32 statements documented for both, they answer identically on 21 and clash on just one, targeting social programs, which is also its only documented clash with the PRI. With the PAN, by contrast, it is on the opposite side of four, among them abortion, marijuana and the tax on large fortunes.
Overall, 21 of its answers agree, 11 are intermediate and 13 disagree, and 14 go to an extreme. Estimates weigh on "Institutions and corruption," where nepotism and immunity still lack a written stance, and on issues such as debt, the Afores, GM maize and fracking. It differs least on "Work and pensions" (0.29 points), with an hourly minimum wage tied to the cost of the basic basket. On match scores, Movimiento Ciudadano tops the list (89%), followed by the PRI (83%); at the other end is Morena, at 56%.
How the eight parties’ places on the political compass are calculated, statement by statement, is explained in the analysis «Left-wing and right-wing parties in Mexico: the 2027 compass».
