PRI vs SOMOS: how alike are they?

The PRI and SOMOS end up on opposite sides on only one of the 30 statements both have documented: whether social programs should be for everyone. The PRI proposes a basic income and a pension, both universal, targeting only food aid (2); SOMOS prefers more conditional transfers to poor households and scholarships for low-income ones, while keeping a minimum for every family (4). Of the other 29, they share a side on 23, and on six one of them sits at the midpoint.

That count leaves out fifteen statements, a third of the test. Age matters here: the PRI was born in 1929 and has a group in the Chamber whose votes document many of its positions; SOMOS has been registered since June 2026 and relies on its founding documents and press releases. The estimated position belongs to SOMOS in eleven of those fifteen, and to the PRI in seven (in three, both). So legislative immunity and GM corn go uncompared: the PRI has votes on both, and SOMOS only an estimated position.

Security and justice add up to seven agreements without exception, but with different intensity. SOMOS goes further on two: it wants to remove mandatory pretrial detention from Article 19, while the PRI's platform talks of regulating it under human rights standards (5 against 4), and it calls for returning ports, customs and transport works to civilian hands, where the PRI wants the armed forces to withdraw gradually to their core missions (5 against 4). Electoral rules follow a similar pattern: both want seats proportional to votes, but the PRI proposes extending the 8-point overrepresentation cap to coalitions, and SOMOS scrapping that margin.

On rights and freedoms, all four comparable statements put them on the same side, although the PRI's sources are less specific. Its declaration of principles rejects criminalizing women who exercise their reproductive rights and includes the LGBTTTIQ+ community, but mentions neither time limits nor adoption (4 in both cases); the SOMOS program calls for a federal law allowing abortion up to week 12 and for adoption by same-sex couples (5). On marijuana, the PRI only has what its leader told Voto Informado in 2021, mildly in favor of legalizing (2), and SOMOS proposes moving from prohibition to regulation (1). Neither accepts the government deciding what comes off the internet.

Education and health bring two more matches: both want to restore full-time schools (5), SOMOS “with a decentralized approach” and within a national care system, and both accept the State paying private clinics when the public system fails to provide care, the PRI through investment incentives and SOMOS through agreed fees (4).

Of the six midpoint positions, three concern the role of the State. The PRI proposes that states and municipalities enroll recipients and pay out non-contributory pensions (5); SOMOS defends federalism but wants a national register overseen by a citizen-majority body (3). The PRI voted against the laws that gave priority to Pemex and the CFE (4); SOMOS asks for State stewardship of energy with public-private deals on renewables (3). The PRI voted 0 to 35 against the 2026 increase on soda and tobacco (2), and SOMOS wants that tax to fund universal health care (3).

A single tiebreaker question separates them by two points or more, and it is about taxes: SOMOS proposes a progressive scale on gains from financial speculation (4), while the PRI holds that raising more revenue does not mean higher income tax rates but a broader base and a simpler system (2). This fits with the tax on large fortunes, which SOMOS agrees with (4) even though its program does not name it, and on which the PRI's position is estimated.