Morena vs PVEM: how alike are they?

The only two clashes between Morena and the PVEM concern the rules of the game: how proportional seats are filled and when nepotism is banned. The president's March 2026 proposal, which sought to replace party lists with the candidates who won the most votes, had 49 PVEM deputies against it and 12 in favor; the party had made leaving that system alone a condition. A year earlier, the PVEM asked that the ban on nominating relatives be put off until 2030, and stayed out of the pledge by which Morena imposed it on itself for 2027. In both cases the PVEM is at the far end of no; Morena strongly agrees with the first and agrees with the second.

Beyond that, they are broadly in tune. Of the 27 test statements that both back with sources, 20 put them on the same side, and in five more one of them sits at the midpoint; the average distance is 0.59 points. The number is low because the PVEM's position is estimated on 18 statements (on nine of them, Morena's is too).

In the Chamber of Deputies, the bloc works. The PVEM group backed without a vote against placing the National Guard under the Defense Ministry (62 to 0), putting judges up for election (62 to 0), abolishing the INAI and Cofece (59 to 0) and higher tariffs on goods from China and the rest of the countries with no trade treaty (55 to 0). Morena voted the same way each time. They also agree on banning vapes, which its group passed 53 to 1, and on the General Water Law, which bars transferring concessions between private parties, even though the PVEM proposed a National Water Bank in 2024 to reallocate them.

When they part ways, it is usually the PVEM that goes further. Its platform wants to fight crime with drones, face-recognizing cameras and artificial intelligence, while Morena, which backed the new intelligence law, says nothing about such cameras: 5 against 4. Under the idea that whoever pollutes should pay, the PVEM proposes clean-air certificates and a mandatory carbon market; Morena proposes taxing disposable plastics, without a general levy based on damage. On marijuana the gap is two points: the PVEM proposes legalizing and regulating the drug trade, and Morena, opening a debate. The single tiebreaker question that splits them by two points or more follows the same line: the PVEM wants bullfighting ended nationwide and Morena sits in the middle, after Mexico City approved its mayor's proposal to allow it without wounding or killing the bull.

In three cases the PVEM is the one at the midpoint. On party funding, its leaders have both rejected any reduction and offered to accept a cut of up to 50% if shared equally, while Morena wants it lower. On immunity, one of its senators proposed scrapping it in 2025, yet that year its group backed by 55 to 2 the report that blocked a lifting of immunity; Morena agrees with removing it, although its deputy floor leader withdrew the bill he had filed and its group, split, also backed that report. And on health, the PVEM wants government and private resources pooled to create care centers, without proposing to pay private clinics; Morena does not mention them, but leans against (2) because it tasks IMSS-Bienestar with serving everyone who lacks social security.

Much remains uncompared. In education, all three statements have an estimated position, and in rights and freedoms, four of six do: the PVEM's on abortion is estimated because its 2024 platform does not address the subject. The same goes for fracking and new mining concessions, where Morena's position is documented and the PVEM's is estimated, and for a levy on large fortunes.