PAN vs PRI: how alike are they?

Of the 36 statements both the PAN and the PRI have documented, 27 put them on the same side; the average gap between them is 0.69 points. In 2023 they signed, with the PRD, the joint platform of the Fuerza y Corazón por México coalition, which still documents some PAN positions, such as soldiers going back, step by step, to their own duties.

Security, justice and labor add up to nine statements without a single disagreement. Their groups in the Chamber of Deputies have voted together on the courts since 2024: against putting the selection of judges to a popular vote, against the change to Articles 105 and 107 that took constitutional amendments out of the Court's reach, and against the October 2025 Amparo Act. Neither wants a public scheme to replace the Afores, and both groups voted for the 2024 constitutional amendment on wages, though only the PRI states in writing that pay must outpace inflation (5 against 4).

The likeness extends to their more nuanced votes. In December 2024 both backed the constitutional reform against selling vapes and, a year later, opposed the law that punishes it with prison, so both sit at the midpoint. In December 2025 they abstained on raising tariffs for countries that have no trade deal with Mexico. Both also want social support to flow through states and municipalities: the PRI for the lists and payouts of non-contributory pensions (5), the PAN as a principle of keeping government close to people (4).

The five disagreements touch political rules, farming and private life. In March 2025 PAN leader Jorge Romero wrote that immunity from prosecution should go (5); that month the PRI group voted 33 to 0 that there were no grounds to lift one deputy's immunity (2). In January 2026 Romero accepted electing proportional-representation deputies by direct vote (4); the PRI defends the mixed system and voted against the March electoral reform (2). The widest gap is over maize: in February 2025 the PRI backed, 33 to 1, a constitutional ban on planting GM corn (5), and the PAN voted against (1).

Rights and freedoms is the only topic where clashes outnumber agreements. The PAN's program of action rejects abortion (1); the PRI's 2024 declaration of principles calls for not criminalizing women over their reproductive health, without setting a time limit (4). On marijuana, the PAN wants sales to stay banned, though it accepts medical cannabis (4); the PRI's only source is a 2021 answer by its leader to the UNAM's Voto Informado, mildly in favor of legalizing it (2). Adoption by same-sex couples, legal gender change for trans people and euthanasia are left out, each with at least one estimated position.

On four statements one party sits at the midpoint. The PAN wants to cut debt even if that means spending less (4); the PRI criticizes the deficit but proposes raising health spending to nearly 4% of GDP (3). On party funding, the PRI is again the one in the middle: its program asks for less costly campaigns, yet its group opposed the 2026 reform that proposed cutting that money (3); the PAN rejects the cut (2). A tax on large fortunes, which the PAN rejects, does not count either: the PRI's position is estimated.

Among the questions the test keeps for breaking ties, two separate them by at least two points, and both concern work. On the 40-hour week, the PRI voted in February 2026 against the articles that did not guarantee two days off (5), while the PAN approved the text with one (3). On capping public pensions, including those already being paid, the PRI voted 36 to 0 (4); the PAN rejected the reserved articles, with deputy Margarita Zavala defending “acquired rights” (2).