Morena vs PT: how alike are they?

Coalition partners in 2024 and again for 2027, Morena and the PT share a side on 24 of the 33 test statements that both have on record. Only three pit them against each other, and in six one of the two sits at the midpoint; on average their answers lie 0.58 points apart. Twelve more are not counted because at least one party holds an estimated position there.

The alliance is clearest in Chamber votes. In 2024 both groups backed sending the whole judiciary to the ballot box (the PT had already asked for it in its platform) and shielding constitutional changes from the Supreme Court, and in 2025 they passed the Amparo Law reform that narrowed injunctions. On security, neither wants to pull the National Guard out of the Defense Ministry, where they placed it in September 2024 without a single vote against, nor to leave pretrial detention to each judge, having added offenses that carry it automatically two months later.

Energy and the environment is where they agree most often: they are on the same side on all five statements with sources. Both made Pemex and the CFE public enterprises in 2024 and oppose private firms competing with them as equals. On fracking both stay at the midpoint for different reasons: Morena pledged to keep it off the table, though the president had unconventional gas studied in 2026; the PT wants far more gas while also recognizing rights for the Earth. On mining Morena goes a step further, ruling out new licenses except for lithium, while the PT says nothing about concessions.

Each of the three clashes has a date. In March 2026, Morena's group backed by 246 to 3 the electoral reform that would have assigned proportional-representation seats to the best-performing candidates rather than by lists; the PT voted against it 47 to 1, and its floor leader said small states would lose representation. In May 2025, Morena's National Council barred its candidates from taking over a relative's office already in 2027; the PT kept that option until 2030, when the rule binds everyone. In December 2025, Morena voted to make over 1,400 goods imported from countries with no trade deal, such as China, more expensive, while the PT abstained over fears of inflation.

In five of the six midpoint cases, it is Morena that sits in the middle. The PT strongly backs taxing large fortunes every year (one of its deputies proposed rates of 1.5 to 3.5% above 100 million pesos in 2026), while the president only said the idea deserved study. On the Afores, the PT proposes a state pension manager and Morena's government prefers to strengthen PensionISSSTE. The exception is party funding: Morena wants to cut it, and the PT, which voted against the 2026 reform, would accept cutting up to half with an equitable split. The other three cases are public debt, priority for North America and marijuana.

Not everything can be compared. Education has no comparable statement, and three in rights and freedoms drop out, such as adoption by same-sex couples, where the PT's position is estimated. So is Morena's on channeling social programs through state and municipal governments, which the PT supports on the record because its platform calls for handing services down to them: that possible disagreement is not counted. Outside the test, three tiebreaker questions separate them by two points or more: state control of banking and taxing the largest inheritances, which the PT supports and Morena does not, and giving amparo rulings against a law general effect, which Morena rejects outright and where the PT sits in the middle: its platform asks for it, but it voted for the reform that denies it.