Morena vs PAN: how alike are they?

Morena's and the PAN's answers lie on average 2.16 points apart, on a five-point scale. Of the 31 statements both have on record, only five put them on the same side; in 14 they are on opposite sides and in the remaining 12 one of them takes the middle position. Another 14 are not counted because at least one has an estimated position.

The sharpest clash is in the Chamber of Deputies. On eight statements they stand at opposite ends of the scale, and all eight match reforms that Morena's group voted for and the PAN voted against: electing judges at the ballot box, transferring the National Guard to Defense, abolishing the INAI and Cofece and shielding constitutional amendments from the Supreme Court, in 2024; curbing injunctions in amparo cases, the energy laws that give the CFE preference and the constitutional ban on GM maize, in 2025; and requiring sole Mexican nationality to govern, in 2026. On justice and on water and farming, every comparable statement pits them against each other.

Six other disagreements are less extreme. The PAN wants a judge to decide pretrial detention in each case and proposes abolishing the automatic kind, although in 2025 it backed another expansion overall. It voted against raising the tax on soft drinks and tobacco, and its program calls for lower rates; against the General Water Law, which one of its deputies said does not guarantee inheriting or transferring water rights; and against the 2026 electoral reform, which reduced party financing, something that, according to its leader, would legalize corruption without stronger oversight. On health, its platform proposes public-private partnerships and bringing back Seguro Popular, against Morena's IMSS-Bienestar for all. And on abortion, the PAN's program rejects it, while Morena defends women's right to decide about their bodies.

They agree on five things. In January 2026 the PAN's leader said he favored choosing proportional-representation deputies by direct vote, as Morena wants, although his group rejected the electoral reform as a whole. In 2025 its floor leader offered the group's votes for the nepotism ban to take effect in 2027, which Morena applied to itself. Both favor removing immunity, the PAN more emphatically. On the minimum wage, neither sets a yearly rule, but Morena wants to protect the purchasing power it says was recovered, and the PAN wants real wages to cover a family's basic needs. And both accept that polluters should pay, though neither proposes a general levy tied to how much they pollute.

The twelve statements with one of them at the midpoint reveal the nuances. In 2024 the PAN voted to have the Constitution punish vape sales, but in 2025 it rejected the law imposing fines and prison for them, while Morena wants them banned outright; on higher tariffs for China and other countries without a treaty, the PAN abstained. Conversely, Morena takes the neutral position on eight, among them public debt, marijuana, on large fortunes, which the PAN refuses to tax, and on renewables, where the PAN has a roadmap to decarbonize electricity.

The five tiebreaker questions that separate them by two points or more widen the gap. The PAN proposes building two nuclear reactors and the president ruled out, for now, growing with that energy; Morena approved, 243 to 0, capping municipal councillors and state legislature spending, and the PAN voted against; the PAN rejected, with all 71 of its votes, the reform stopping amparo rulings on laws from applying to everyone; and on also capping public pensions already granted and on lighter sentences for those who leave crime and cooperate, Morena agrees and the PAN disagrees. Among the estimated ones is teacher evaluations: the PAN is on record in favor, but Morena's position is estimated, so it is not counted.